Australia’s first reported crimes-against-humanity charges linked to ISIS slavery should not be reduced to a debate about “ISIS brides.” At the centre of the case is an Ezidi woman who was allegedly bought, held, and enslaved — and whose pursuit of justice must not be overshadowed by sympathy for the accused.
After criticism and allegations that Murad Ismael was aligning with Kurdish political actors, the [Yazidi Cause Alliance] has issued a forceful statement rejecting any KDP return to Sinjar. The Alliance says restoring the pre-2014 order would threaten Ezidi security, dignity, and the memory of the genocide victims.
For many Ezidi girls in Armenia, education is still interrupted too early by early marriage and social pressure. The issue is not a requirement of Sharfadin, but a harmful social problem that limits girls’ futures, weakens public participation and prevents many from completing school or reaching university.
Germany recognized the genocide against the Ezidi people in 2023, but many Ezidis from Iraq still face legal uncertainty and possible deportation. The growing gap between political recognition and real protection raises urgent questions about safety, dignity, family unity and Germany’s responsibility toward genocide survivors.
Australia recognised the ISIS genocide against the Ezidi people. But recognition is not enough. ISIS crimes against Ezidis must not be reduced to simple terrorism cases. They must be investigated and prosecuted as genocide, crimes against humanity, slavery, sexual violence, and war crimes.
An Ezidi voice from Lincoln reflects on past experience in Iraq, warning that removing regimes without long-term planning can lead to instability and renewed suffering for vulnerable groups.
The Türkiye–PKK peace process has brought a period of reduced violence to Sinjar, but the future of the Ezidi region remains uncertain as local armed groups refuse to disarm and key issues remain unresolved.
Fears are rising again in Şengal as Ezidis warn that the conditions that led to the 2014 genocide must never be allowed to return. Survivors, residents, and advocates say the people of Şengal are no longer what they were in 2014 and will not remain defenceless in the face of new threats.
Historical sources show that Ezidis have long referred to their language as Ezdiki, meaning “the language of the Ezidis.” Kurdish is a new term and is the result of political influence and aspirations of creating a “kurdish” nationalistic identity.
Many Ezidis choose to list their language as Kurdish or Kurmanji because it seems easier when dealing with institutions or people unfamiliar with Ezidis. But doing so risks slowly eroding a history and identity that stretches back thousands of years. One LinkedIn user chose a different path; proudly listing Ezdiki.
Women are the quiet strength of every society. Even in the face of violence, displacement, and loss, they continue to protect their families, educate their children, and preserve culture. Among the Ezidis, women have shown that survival alone is not enough; they transform suffering into resilience and silence into voice. Their actions prove that the true power of a society is revealed not in how it dominates, but in how it values and listens to its women.
In the late 1980s, during the Armenia–Azerbaijan war, many Kurds left Armenia, openly stating they would not fight against their Muslim brothers. They relocated to Kazakhstan and remained there for decades, removed from the political and military realities Armenia faced. This development raises legitimate security concerns. Individuals who once refused to defend the state on religious grounds demonstrated that their loyalty was conditional. If loyalty is defined by religion rather than citizenship, the implications are serious. In any future conflict involving a Muslim-majority country, where would such actors stand? Armenia cannot ignore this question.
Ezidis in Şengal reaffirm that their safety and ability to control their own security are fundamental rights. Any attempt to undermine local defense structures or allow external interference threatens their survival and identity.
Rudaw claims that Ezidis are “Kurds,” repeating the long-standing attempt by Neçirvan Barzani and the KRG to co-opt our identity. Ezidis are our own people, followers of Sharfadin, with our own history, rights, and voice. Germany supports displaced Ezidis because it is their responsibility, not because of Barzani. Calling us “Kurdish Ezidis” erases our identity, hides decades of marginalization, and tries to use us for political gain. Ezidis are independent, and no politician or media outlet can rewrite our history or take away our future.
Recent months have seen the launch of the “Ezidi initiative,” a planned diplomatic effort engaging both the diaspora and local authorities in Turkey. Focused on peace, social cohesion, and voluntary return, the initiative addresses property, security, and human rights concerns while aiming to strengthen social peace and recognize the heritage of the Ezidi people and the Sharfadin faith.
The Ezidis know the consequences of ignored warnings. Ongoing instability in the region, particularly in Sinjar, has renewed serious concerns about safety and protection for a people who have already survived genocide. The conditions that enabled the atrocities of August 3, 2014, have not been fully resolved, leaving Ezidis vulnerable to renewed threats. Protecting Ezidis today is essential not only to acknowledge past crimes, but to prevent history from repeating itself.
In 2023, Ezidi Times published an article raising concerns about a Kurdish singer using Ezidi traditional clothing in a music video and presenting it as “Kurdish.”
The video shows women in Ezidi attire dancing with weapons, portraying a peaceful and sacred culture in a violent, distorted way — and even attempts to include Ezidis under an artificially constructed “Kurdish” identity.
This is more than cultural appropriation — it is cultural and identity theft happening right before our eyes. The problem still remains and deserves far more attention. The article explores why this matters and is a big issue.
This article responds to İkbal Dürre’s claims about why Ezidis in Russia are not counted within Kurdish demographic statistics. Ezidis identify as Ezidi, not Kurdish, and Russia records them accordingly. Labeling them as Kurds ignores their distinct identity, their Sharfadin faithh. Ezidis reached Russia after the 1915 genocide that the kurds cmmited againt them.
When a Kurdish designer presented a traditional Ezidi dress on the runway in Milan, many applauded the gesture as a sign of inclusion. But is it really recognition—or appropriation? For Ezidi Times, the question runs deeper: why must Ezidis rely on others to showcase their traditions, and what does it mean when their heritage is absorbed into a broader Kurdish narrative? At stake is not just fashion, but the survival of an ancient people’s identity.
Humanity walks through history carrying the ashes of its own crimes. Every stone laid at memorials like Tsitsernakaberd whispers of lives extinguished and of promises broken — never again, we say, yet again and again, we fail. As the eternal flame burns for the Armenians of 1915, it casts a shadow that reaches Sinjar, where the Ezidi people still suffer the consequences of the genocide ISIS unleashed in 2014. Eleven years later, the wounds remain unhealed, deepened by betrayal, neglect, and cynical politics. How many more memorials must we build before we finally understand that remembrance is not enough — justice and protection must follow, or the cycle will never end?
