Why Is There an MP Representing Kurds in the Armenian Parliament?

Armenia is the most homogeneous country among the post-Soviet states. In contrast to many modern-day states, Armenia is predominantly inhabited by ethnic Armenians. However, despite having a very small number of non-ethnic Armenians, the Armenian Republic has dedicated one parliamentary seat to each of four of its minority groups. Currently, in its 105-seat parliament, Armenia has four ethnic minority MPs – one each from the country’s Ezidi, Assyrian, Kurdish, and Russian peoples.

At first glance, this might seem like a good attempt to ensure that the voices of minorities are heard and represented too. However, the problem is that these four guaranteed seats for MPs from each group are not proportionate when compared to the sizes of these four groups.

According to the lates official numbers Armenia consists mainly of the following ethnicities:

It is evident that guaranteeing only one seat for an Ezidi MP is unfair when comparing the Ezidi population in Armenia (31,077) with the Kurdish (1,663), Assyrian (2,754), and Russian (14,074) populations. This means that 1,663, 2,754, and 14,074 people each have the same representation in parliament as the much larger Ezidi population of 31,077.

Furthermore, if the Kurds consider the Ezidis to be “ethnic Kurds,” then they should not get one separate MP in parliament but rather have their voice and concerns represented by the Ezidi MP.

Armenia, which attempted to give minorities a possibility to ensure their democratic rights, should either make sure that the Ezidis get more guaranteed seats in parliament or abolish the current system altogether. Because claiming that the rights of the Ezidis are represented equally as the other minorities is, in fact, incorrect and unfair.

Moreover, the Armenian Parliament is a political machine, and it can be strongly questioned why the small Kurdish population must be represented, especially considering that Kurds did not fulfil their military service during the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh wars. Despite the Kurds being “equal” citizens of the Republic of Armenia, they disobeyed the state and fled, as they did not want to fight a war against Azerbaijan due to their shared Muslim identity. The Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh conflict has not been of a religious nature but rather historical and political. Yet, those “equal” Kurdish citizens of Armenia, who are guaranteed the same number of seats as Ezidis, did not fight for their country.

So why has Armenia implemented this seemingly unfair and morally questionable policy? The answer might have two explanations: First, it is possible that Armenia is trying to gain recognition as a democratic and fair state. Ensuring seats to minorities may be an attempt to showcase to the international community that it is indeed a just and democratic partner. Second, Armenia is attempting to deepen its relationship with the Kurds.

Political and Historical Prostitution Between Armenia and the Kurds

In 2023, Armenian representatives were invited to Erbil on the occasion of the second anniversary of the opening of the Armenian Consulate General in the KRG. The consulate and the KRG sponsored an exhibition that was supposed to showcase “historical documents and photographs of Kurdish and minority communities living in Armenia.” Again, this might seem like an innocent ceremony and anniversary. However, Ezidi Times looked deeper into what exactly this exhibition showcased and was shocked to find that those “historical documents and photographs of Kurdish and minority communities” were materials related to the Ezidis and Assyrians. The few materials that were labelled as “Kurdish” were actually Ezidi documents and photographs, which had been fabricated or wrongly labelled as “Kurdish.”

Below are some photos from the exhibition clearly showcasing Ezidi and Assyrian culture in Armenia.

Why is Ezidi and Assyrian culture showcased during an event that aims to deepen Armenian and Kurdish friendship? If the Kurdish presence is really that strong in Armenia and this “friendship” has existed for so long, why is there a need to fill the void with Ezidi and Assyrian photos of literature, dance, movies, and other historical materials?

The Kurdish politician Safeen Dizayee later tweeted about his participation in an exhibition of historical documents and photographs on “Kurdish communities” living in Armenia. Are Ezidis and Assyrians Kurdish?!

The Numbers Can’t Lie

To prove how small the Kurdish population in Armenia is—and why it’s unfair that they get a guaranteed MP just like the Ezidis—we can look at some demographic data.

Live births by mother’s ethnicity 2014-2020:

Source: The Armenian Government at the CERD – International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 114 Session (25 Nov 2024 – 13 Dec 2024).

Just by looking at how many children are born in each group; it becomes overwhelmingly clear that the Kurdish presence in Armenia is exaggerated and barely worth mentioning. Because if every ethnicity needs to be mentioned, then why are the Georgian and Ukrainian presences in Armenia never highlighted? There are more Georgian and Ukrainian children born in Armenia than Kurdish.

We can draw similar conclusions from the number of deaths by the nationality 2014-2020:

Source: The Armenian Government at the CERD – International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 114 Session (25 Nov 2024 – 13 Dec 2024).

The frustration may seem overly aggressive, and one might argue that it is good that Armenians and Kurds are trying to establish—or in some sense, find and create—a friendship they claim is historical. However, in doing so, the Kurds are once again taking the opportunity to distort the truth and steal historically well-known facts. Had there been no mention of Ezidis and Assyrians during the exhibition held in honour of Armenian and Kurdish relations, Ezidi Times wouldn’t criticise the political opportunism happening between the Armenians and the Kurds. In an attempt to establish good relations with the Kurds—perhaps also to provoke their common Turkish enemy—the Armenians are insulting the much stronger and historically rooted friendship they have had with the Ezidis.

In trying to seem democratic and inclusive toward the minorities in Armenia, the Armenian political system once again insults the bond between Armenians and Ezidis. How is it fair that 1,663 Kurds get to have one MP represent their voice while the much larger Ezidi population of 31,077 also gets only one MP? This is not fairness and inclusion—it’s just throwing a bone to silence the Ezidis.